Antony and Cleopatra
Antony
and Cleopatra (First
Folio title: The Tragedie of
Anthonie, and Cleopatra) is a tragedy
by William Shakespeare.
The play was first performed, by the King's Men, at either the Blackfriars Theatre
or the Globe Theatre
in around 1607; its first appearance in print was in the Folio of 1623.
The
plot is based on Thomas North's
1579 English translation of Plutarch's Lives (in Ancient
Greek) and follows the relationship
between Cleopatra
and Mark Antony
from the time of the Sicilian
revolt to Cleopatra's suicide
during the Final War of the
Roman Republic. The major antagonist is Octavius
Caesar, one of Antony's fellow triumvirs of the Second Triumvirate
and the first emperor of the Roman
Empire. The tragedy is mainly set in the Roman
Republic and Ptolemaic
Egypt and is characterized by swift
shifts in geographical location and linguistic register as it alternates
between sensual, imaginative Alexandria and a more pragmatic, austere Rome.
Many
consider Shakespeare's Cleopatra, whom Enobarbus describes as having "infinite variety", as one of
the most complex and fully developed female characters in the playwright's body
of work. She is frequently vain and histrionic enough to provoke an audience
almost to scorn; at the same time, Shakespeare invests her and Antony with
tragic grandeur. These contradictory features have led to famously divided
critical responses. It is difficult to classify Antony and Cleopatra as
belonging to a single genre. It can be described as a history play
(though it does not completely adhere to historical accounts), as a tragedy
(though not completely in Aristotelian terms), as a comedy,
as a romance,
and according to some critics, such as McCarter, a problem play. All that can be said with certainty is that it is a Roman
play, and perhaps even a sequel to another of Shakespeare's tragedies, Julius Caesar.
Characters
- Mark Antony – Roman general and one of the three joint leaders, or "triumvirs", who rule the Roman Republic after the assassination of Julius Caesar in 44 B.C.
- Octavius Caesar – another triumvir
- Lepidus – another triumvir
- Cleopatra – Queen of Egypt
- Sextus Pompey – rebel against the triumvirate and son of the late Pompey
Antony's party
- Demetrius
- Philo
- Domitius Enobarbus
- Ventidius
- Silius – officer in Ventidius' army
- Eros
- Canidius – Antony's lieutenant-general
- Scarus
- Dercetus
- Schoolmaster – Antony's ambassador to Octavius
- Rannius (non-speaking role)
- Lucilius (non-speaking role)
- Lamprius (non-speaking role)
Octavius' party
- Octavia – Octavius' sister
- Maecenas
- Agrippa – admiral of the Roman navy
- Taurus – Octavius' lieutenant general
- Dolabella
- Thidias
- Gallus
- Proculeius
Sextus' party
- Menecrates
- Menas
- Varrius
Cleopatra's party
- Charmian – maid of honour
- Iras – maid of honour
- Alexas
- Mardian – a eunuch
- Diomedes – treasurer
- Seleucus – attendant
Other
Synopsis
Mark
Antony—one of the triumvirs of the Roman Republic, along with Octavius and
Lepidus—has neglected his soldierly duties after being beguiled by Egypt's
Queen, Cleopatra. He ignores Rome's domestic problems, including the fact that
his third wife Fulvia
rebelled
against Octavius and then died.
Octavius
calls Antony back to Rome from Alexandria to help him fight against Sextus
Pompey, Menecrates, and Menas, three notorious pirates of the Mediterranean. At Alexandria, Cleopatra begs Antony not to go, and though
he repeatedly affirms his deep passionate love for her, he eventually leaves.
The
triumvirs meet in Rome, where Antony and Octavius put to rest, for now, their
disagreements. Octavius' general, Agrippa, suggests that Antony should marry
Octavius's sister, Octavia, in order to cement the friendly bond between the
two men. Antony accepts. Antony's lieutenant Enobarbus, though, knows that
Octavia can never satisfy him after Cleopatra. In a famous passage, he
describes Cleopatra's charms: "Age cannot wither her, nor custom stale /
Her infinite variety: other women cloy / The appetites they feed, but she makes
hungry / Where most she satisfies."
A
soothsayer warns Antony that he is sure to lose if he ever tries to fight
Octavius.
In
Egypt, Cleopatra learns of Antony's marriage to Octavia and takes furious
revenge upon the messenger who brings her the news. She grows content only when
her courtiers assure her that Octavia is homely: short, low-browed, round-faced
and with bad hair.
Before
battle, the triumvirs parley with Sextus Pompey, and offer him a truce. He can
retain Sicily and Sardinia,
but he must help them "rid the sea of pirates" and send them
tributes. After some hesitation, Sextus agrees. They engage in a drunken
celebration on Sextus' galley, though the austere Octavius leaves early and
sober from the party. Menas suggests to Sextus that he kill the three triumvirs
and make himself ruler of the Roman Republic, but he refuses, finding it
dishonourable. After Antony departs Rome for Athens, Octavius and Lepidus break
their truce with Sextus and war against him. This is unapproved by Antony, and
he is furious.
Antony
returns to Hellenistic
Alexandria
and crowns Cleopatra and himself as rulers of Egypt and the eastern third of
the Roman Republic (which was Antony's share as one of the triumvirs). He accuses
Octavius of not giving him his fair share of Sextus' lands, and is angry that
Lepidus, whom Octavius has imprisoned, is out of the triumvirate. Octavius
agrees to the former demand, but otherwise is very displeased with what Antony
has done.
Antony
prepares to battle Octavius. Enobarbus urges Antony to fight on land, where he
has the advantage, instead of by sea, where the navy of Octavius is lighter,
more mobile and better manned. Antony refuses, since Octavius has dared him to
fight at sea. Cleopatra pledges her fleet to aid Antony. However, during the Battle
of Actium off the western coast of Greece,
Cleopatra flees with her sixty ships, and Antony follows her, leaving his
forces to ruin. Ashamed of what he has done for the love of Cleopatra, Antony
reproaches her for making him a coward, but also sets this true and deep love
above all else, saying "Give me a kiss; even this repays me."
Octavius
sends a messenger to ask Cleopatra to give up Antony and come over to his side.
She hesitates, and flirts with the messenger, when Antony walks in and angrily
denounces her behavior. He sends the messenger to be whipped. Eventually, he
forgives Cleopatra and pledges to fight another battle for her, this time on
land.
On
the eve of the battle, Antony's soldiers hear strange portents, which they
interpret as the god Hercules
abandoning his protection of Antony. Furthermore, Enobarbus, Antony's
long-serving lieutenant, deserts him and goes over to Octavius' side. Rather
than confiscating Enobarbus' goods, which Enobarbus did not take with him when
he fled, Antony orders them to be sent to Enobarbus. Enobarbus is so
overwhelmed by Antony's generosity, and so ashamed of his own disloyalty, that
he dies from a broken heart.
Antony
loses the battle as his troops desert en masse and he denounces Cleopatra:
"This foul Egyptian hath betrayed me." He resolves to kill her for
the imagined treachery. Cleopatra decides that the only way to win back
Antony's love is to send him word that she killed herself, dying with his name
on her lips. She locks herself in her monument, and awaits Antony's return.
Her
plan backfires: rather than rushing back in remorse to see the "dead"
Cleopatra, Antony decides that his own life is no longer worth living. He begs
one of his aides, Eros, to run him through with a sword, but Eros cannot bear
to do it and kills himself. Antony admires Eros' courage and attempts to do the
same, but only succeeds in wounding himself. In great pain, he learns that
Cleopatra is indeed alive. He is hoisted up to her in her monument and dies in
her arms.
Since
Egypt has been defeated, the captive Cleopatra is placed under a guard of Roman
soldiers. She tries to take her own life with a dagger, but Proculeius disarms
her. Octavian arrives, assuring her she will be treated with honour and
dignity. But Dolabella secretly warns her that Octavian intends to parade her
at his Roman triumph.
Cleopatra bitterly envisions the endless humiliations awaiting her for the rest
of her life as a Roman conquest.
Cleopatra kills herself using the venomous bite
of an asp,
imagining how she will meet Antony again in the afterlife. Her serving maids
Iras and Charmian also die, Iras from heartbreak and Charmian from one of the
two asps in Cleopatra's basket. Octavius discovers the dead bodies and
experiences conflicting emotions. Antony's and Cleopatra's deaths leave him
free to become the first Roman
Emperor, but he also feels some sympathy
for them. He orders a public military funeral.
Sources
Roman painting from the House of
Giuseppe II, Pompeii,
early 1st century AD, most likely depicting Cleopatra
VII, wearing her royal diadem, consuming poison in an act of suicide,
while her son Caesarion,
also wearing a royal diadem, stands behind her[6][7]
The
principal source for the story is an English translation of Plutarch's
"Life of Mark Antony," from the Lives
of the Noble Grecians and Romans Compared Together. This translation, by Sir
Thomas North, was first published in 1579. Many
phrases in Shakespeare's play are taken directly from North, including
Enobarbus' famous description of Cleopatra and her barge:
I
will tell you.
The barge she sat in, like a burnish'd throne,
Burn'd on the water: the poop was beaten gold;
Purple the sails, and so perfumed that
The winds were love-sick with them; the oars were silver,
Which to the tune of flutes kept stroke, and made
The water which they beat to follow faster,
As amorous of their strokes. For her own person,
It beggar'd all description: she did lie
In her pavilion—cloth-of-gold of tissue—
O'er-picturing that Venus where we see
The fancy outwork nature: on each side her
Stood pretty dimpled boys, like smiling Cupids,
With divers-colour'd fans, whose wind did seem
To glow the delicate cheeks which they did cool,
And what they undid did.
The barge she sat in, like a burnish'd throne,
Burn'd on the water: the poop was beaten gold;
Purple the sails, and so perfumed that
The winds were love-sick with them; the oars were silver,
Which to the tune of flutes kept stroke, and made
The water which they beat to follow faster,
As amorous of their strokes. For her own person,
It beggar'd all description: she did lie
In her pavilion—cloth-of-gold of tissue—
O'er-picturing that Venus where we see
The fancy outwork nature: on each side her
Stood pretty dimpled boys, like smiling Cupids,
With divers-colour'd fans, whose wind did seem
To glow the delicate cheeks which they did cool,
And what they undid did.
This
may be compared with North's text:
"Therefore
when she was sent unto by diverse letters, both from Antonius himselfe, and
also from his friends, she made so light of it and mocked Antonius so much,
that she disdained so set forward otherwise, but to take her barge in the river
of Cydnus, the poope whereof was of gold, the
sailes of purple, and the oares of silver, which kept stroke in rowing after
the sound of musicke of flutes, howboyes cithernes,
vials and such other instruments as they played upon the barge. And now for the
person of her selfe: she was layed under a pavilion of cloth of gold of tissue,
apparelled and attired like the goddesse Venus, commonly drawn in picture: and
hard by her, on either hand of her, pretie fair boys apparelled as painters do
set foorth god Cupid, with little fans in their hands, with which they fanned
wind upon her."
— The Life of Marcus Antonius
However,
Shakespeare also adds scenes, including many portraying Cleopatra's domestic
life, and the role of Enobarbus is greatly developed. Historical facts are also
changed: in Plutarch, Antony's final defeat was many weeks after the Battle of
Actium, and Octavia lived with Antony for several years and bore him two
children: Antonia Major,
paternal grandmother of the Emperor Nero and maternal grandmother of the Empress Valeria
Messalina, and Antonia
Minor, the sister-in-law of the Emperor Tiberius, mother of the Emperor Claudius, and paternal grandmother of the Emperor Caligula and Empress Agrippina the Younger.
Date and text
Many
scholars believe it was written in 1606–07, although some researchers have
argued for an earlier dating, around 1603–04. Antony and Cleopatra was
entered in the Stationers' Register (an early form of copyright for printed works) in May 1608, but it does not seem to
have been actually printed until the publication of the First Folio in 1623.
The Folio is therefore the only authoritative text we have today. Some scholars
speculate that it derives from Shakespeare's own draft, or "foul
papers", since it contains minor errors in speech labels and stage
directions that are thought to be characteristic of the author in the process
of composition.[19]
Modern
editions divide the play into a conventional five-act structure but, as in most
of his earlier plays, Shakespeare did not create these act divisions. His play
is articulated in forty separate "scenes", more than he used for any
other play. Even the word "scenes" may be inappropriate as a
description, as the scene changes are often very fluid, almost montage-like. The large number of scenes is necessary because the
action frequently switches between Alexandria, Italy, Messina in Sicily, Syria, Athens, and other parts of Egypt and the Roman Republic. The play
contains thirty-four speaking characters, fairly typical for a Shakespeare play
on such an epic scale.
Analysis and criticism
Classical allusions and analogues: Dido and Aeneas from
Virgil's Aeneid
Many
critics have noted the strong influence of Virgil's first-century Roman epic poem, the Aeneid, on Shakespeare's Antony and Cleopatra. Such
influence should be expected, given the prevalence of allusions to Virgil in
the Renaissance culture in which Shakespeare was educated. The historical
Antony and Cleopatra were the prototypes and antitypes for Virgil's Dido and
Aeneas: Dido, ruler of the north African city of Carthage, tempts Aeneas, the legendary exemplar of Roman pietas, to forego his task of founding Rome after the fall of Troy. The fictional Aeneas dutifully resists Dido's temptation
and abandons her to forge on to Italy, placing political destiny before
romantic love, in stark contrast to Antony, who puts passionate love of his own
Egyptian queen, Cleopatra, before duty to Rome. Given the well-established
traditional connections between the fictional Dido and Aeneas and the
historical Antony and Cleopatra, it is no surprise that Shakespeare includes
numerous allusions to Virgil's epic in his historical tragedy. As Janet Adelman
observes, "almost all the central elements in Antony and Cleopatra
are to be found in the Aeneid: the opposing values of Rome and a foreign
passion; the political necessity of a passionless Roman marriage; the concept
of an afterlife in which the passionate lovers meet." However, as Heather
James argues, Shakespeare's allusions to Virgil's Dido and Aeneas are far from
slavish imitations. James emphasizes the various ways in which Shakespeare's
play subverts the ideology of the Virgilian tradition; one such instance of
this subversion is Cleopatra's dream of Antony in Act 5 ("I dreamt there
was an Emperor Antony" [5.2.75]). James argues that in her extended description
of this dream, Cleopatra "reconstructs the heroic masculinity of an Antony
whose identity has been fragmented and scattered by Roman opinion." This
politically charged dream vision is just one example of the way that
Shakespeare's story destabilises and potentially critiques the Roman ideology
inherited from Virgil's epic and embodied in the mythic Roman ancestor Aeneas.
Critical history: changing views of Cleopatra
Cleopatra,
being the complex figure that she is, has faced a variety of interpretations of
character throughout history. Perhaps the most famous dichotomy is that of the
manipulative seductress versus the skilled leader. Examining the critical
history of the character of Cleopatra reveals that intellectuals of the 19th
century and the early 20th century viewed her as merely an object of sexuality
that could be understood and diminished rather than an imposing force with
great poise and capacity for leadership.
This
phenomenon is illustrated by the famous poet T.S.
Eliot's take on Cleopatra. He saw her as
"no wielder of power," but rather that her "devouring
sexuality...diminishes her power". His language and writings use images of
darkness, desire, beauty, sensuality, and carnality to portray not a strong,
powerful woman, but a temptress. Throughout his writing on Antony and
Cleopatra, Eliot refers to Cleopatra as material rather than person. He
frequently calls her "thing". T.S. Eliot conveys the view of early
critical history on the character of Cleopatra.
Other
scholars also discuss early critics' views of Cleopatra in relation to a
serpent signifying "original
sin".:p.12 The symbol
of the serpent "functions, at the symbolic level, as a means of her
submission, the phallic appropriation of the queen's body (and the land it
embodies) by Octavius and the empire".:p.13 The serpent,
because it represents temptation, sin, and feminine weakness, is used by 19th
and early 20th century critics to undermine Cleopatra's political authority and
to emphasise the image of Cleopatra as manipulative seductress.
The
postmodern view of Cleopatra is complex. Doris Adler suggests that, in
a postmodern philosophical sense, we cannot begin to grasp the character of
Cleopatra because, "In a sense it is a distortion to consider Cleopatra at
any moment apart from the entire cultural milieu that creates and consumes
Antony and Cleopatra on stage. However the isolation and microscopic
examination of a single aspect apart from its host environment is an effort to
improve the understanding of the broader context. In similar fashion, the
isolation and examination of the stage image of Cleopatra becomes an attempt to
improve the understanding of the theatrical power of her infinite variety and
the cultural treatment of that power." So, as a microcosm, Cleopatra can
be understood within a postmodern context, as long as one understands that the
purpose for the examination of this microcosm is to further one's own
interpretation of the work as a whole. Author L.T. Fitz believes that it is not
possible to derive a clear, postmodern view of Cleopatra due to the sexism that
all critics bring with them when they review her intricate character. He states
specifically, "Almost all critical approaches to this play have been
coloured by the sexist assumptions the critics have brought with them to their
reading." One seemingly anti-sexist viewpoint comes from Donald C.
Freeman's articulations of the meaning and significance of the deaths of both
Antony and Cleopatra at the end of the play. Freeman states, "We
understand Antony as a grand failure because the container of his Romanness
"dislimns": it can no longer outline and define him even to himself.
Conversely, we understand Cleopatra at her death as the transcendent queen of
"immortal longings" because the container of her mortality can no
longer restrain her: unlike Antony, she never melts, but sublimates from her
very earthly flesh to ethereal fire and air."
These
constant shifts in the perception of Cleopatra are well-represented in a review
of Estelle Parsons'
adaptation of Shakespeare's Antony and Cleopatra at the Interart Theatre
in New York City. Arthur Holmberg surmises, "What had at first seemed like
a desperate attempt to be chic in a trendy New York manner was, in fact, an
ingenious way to characterise the differences between Antony's Rome and
Cleopatra's Egypt. Most productions rely on rather predictable contrasts in
costuming to imply the rigid discipline of the former and the languid
self-indulgence of the latter. By exploiting ethnic differences in speech,
gesture, and movement, Parsons rendered the clash between two opposing cultures
not only contemporary but also poignant. In this setting, the white Egyptians
represented a graceful and ancient aristocracy—well groomed, elegantly poised,
and doomed. The Romans, upstarts from the West, lacked finesse and polish. But
by sheer brute strength they would hold dominion over principalities and
kingdoms." This assessment of the changing way in which Cleopatra is represented
in modern adaptations of Shakespeare's play is yet another example of how the
modern and postmodern view of Cleopatra is constantly evolving.
Cleopatra
is a difficult character to pin down because there are multiple aspects of her
personality that we occasionally get a glimpse of. However, the most dominant
parts of her character seem to oscillate between a powerful ruler, a
seductress, and a heroine of sorts. Power is one of Cleopatra's most dominant
character traits and she uses it as a means of control. This thirst for control
manifested itself through Cleopatra's initial seduction of Antony in which she
was dressed as Aphrodite, the goddess of love, and made quite a calculated
entrance in order to capture his attention. This sexualised act extends itself
into Cleopatra's role as a seductress because it was her courage and
unapologetic manner that leaves people remembering her as a "grasping,
licentious harlot". However, despite her "insatiable sexual
passion" she was still using these relationships as part of a grander
political scheme, once again revealing how dominant Cleopatra's desire was for
power. Due to Cleopatra's close relationship with power, she seems to take on
the role of a heroine because there is something in her passion and intelligence
that intrigues others. She was an autonomous and confident ruler, sending a
powerful message about the independence and strength of women. Cleopatra had
quite a wide influence, and still continues to inspire, making her a heroine to
many.
Structure: Egypt and Rome
The
relationship between Egypt and Rome in Antony and Cleopatra is central
to understanding the plot, as the dichotomy allows the reader to gain more
insight into the characters, their relationships, and the ongoing events that
occur throughout the play. Shakespeare emphasises the differences between the
two nations with his use of language and literary devices, which also highlight
the different characterizations of the two countries by their own inhabitants
and visitors. Literary critics have also spent many years developing arguments
concerning the "masculinity" of Rome and the Romans and the
"femininity" of Egypt and the Egyptians. In traditional criticism of Antony
and Cleopatra, "Rome has been characterised as a male world, presided
over by the austere Caesar, and Egypt as a female domain, embodied by a
Cleopatra who is seen to be as abundant, leaky, and changeable as the
Nile". In such a reading, male and female, Rome and Egypt, reason and
emotion, and austerity and leisure are treated as mutually exclusive binaries
that all interrelate with one another. The straightforwardness of the binary
between male Rome and female Egypt has been challenged in later 20th-century
criticism of the play: "In the wake of feminist, poststructuralist, and
cultural-materialist critiques of gender essentialism, most modern Shakespeare
scholars are inclined to be far more skeptical about claims that Shakespeare
possessed a unique insight into a timeless 'femininity'." As a result,
critics have been much more likely in recent years to describe Cleopatra as a
character that confuses or deconstructs gender than as a character that
embodies the feminine.
Literary devices used to convey the differences between Rome
and Egypt
In
Antony and Cleopatra, Shakespeare uses several literary techniques to
convey a deeper meaning about the differences between Rome and Egypt. One
example of this is his schema of the container as suggested by critic Donald
Freeman in his article, "The rack dislimns." In his article, Freeman suggests
that the container is representative of the body and the overall theme of the
play that "knowing is seeing." In literary terms a schema refers to a
plan throughout the work, which means that Shakespeare had a set path for
unveiling the meaning of the "container" to the audience within the
play. An example of the body in reference to the container can be seen in the
following passage:
Nay,
but this dotage of our general's
O'erflows the measure ...
His captain's heart,
Which in the scuffles of great fights hath burst
The buckles on his breast, reneges all temper
And is become the bellows and the fan
To cool a gypsy's lust. (1.1.1–2, 6–10)
O'erflows the measure ...
His captain's heart,
Which in the scuffles of great fights hath burst
The buckles on his breast, reneges all temper
And is become the bellows and the fan
To cool a gypsy's lust. (1.1.1–2, 6–10)
The
lack of tolerance exerted by the hard-edged Roman military code allots to a
general's dalliance is metaphorised as a container, a measuring cup that cannot
hold the liquid of Antony's grand passion. Later we also see Antony's
heart-container swells again because it "o'erflows the measure." For
Antony, the container of the Rome-world is confining and a "measure,"
while the container of the Egypt-world is liberating, an ample domain where he
can explore. The contrast between the two is expressed in two of the play's
famous speeches:
Let
Rome in Tiber melt, and the wide arch
Of the ranged empire fall! Here is my space!
Kingdoms are clay!
(1.1.34–36)
Of the ranged empire fall! Here is my space!
Kingdoms are clay!
(1.1.34–36)
For
Rome to "melt is for it to lose its defining shape, the boundary that
contains its civic and military codes. This schema is important in
understanding Antony's grand failure because the Roman container can no longer
outline or define him—even to himself. Conversely we come to understand
Cleopatra in that the container of her mortality can no longer restrain her.
Unlike Antony whose container melts, she gains a sublimity being released into
the air.
In
her article "Roman World, Egyptian Earth", critic Mary Thomas Crane
introduces another symbol throughout the play: The four elements.
In general, characters associated with Egypt perceive their world composed of
the Aristotelian elements, which are earth, wind, fire and water. For Aristotle these physical elements were the centre of the universe and
appropriately Cleopatra heralds her coming death when she proclaims, "I am
fire and air; my other elements/I give to baser life," (5.2.289–290).
Romans, on the other hand, seem to have left behind that system, replacing it
with a subjectivity separated from and overlooking the natural world and
imagining itself as able to control it. These differing systems of thought and
perception result in very different versions of nation and empire.
Shakespeare's relatively positive representation of Egypt has sometimes been
read as nostalgia for an heroic past. Because the Aristotelian
elements were a declining theory in
Shakespeare's time, it can also be read as nostalgia for a waning theory of the
material world, the pre-seventeenth-century cosmos of elements and humours that rendered subject and world deeply interconnected and
saturated with meaning. Thus this reflects the difference between the Egyptians
who are interconnected with the elemental earth and the Romans in their
dominating the hard-surfaced, impervious world.
Critics
also suggest that the political attitudes of the main characters are an allegory for the political atmosphere of Shakespeare's time.
According to Paul Lawrence Rose in his article "The Politics of Antony
and Cleopatra", the views expressed in the play of "national
solidarity, social order and strong rule" were familiar after the absolute
monarchies of Henry VII
and Henry VIII
and the political disaster involving Mary Queen of Scots.
Essentially the political themes throughout the play are reflective of the
different models of rule during Shakespeare's time. The political attitudes of
Antony, Caesar, and Cleopatra are all basic archetypes for the conflicting
sixteenth-century views of kingship. Caesar is representative of the ideal
king, who brings about the Pax
Romana similar to the political peace
established under the Tudors.
His cold demeanour is representative of what the sixteenth century thought to
be a side-effect of political genius[ Conversely, Antony's focus is
on valour and chivalry,
and Antony views the political power of victory as a by-product of both.
Cleopatra's power has been described as "naked, hereditary, and despotic,"
and it is argued that she is reminiscent of Mary
Tudor's reign—implying it is not
coincidence that she brings about the "doom of Egypt." This is in
part due to an emotional comparison in their rule. Cleopatra, who was
emotionally invested in Antony, brought about the downfall of Egypt in her
commitment to love, whereas Mary Tudor's emotional attachment to Catholicism fates her rule. The political implications within the play
reflect on Shakespeare's England in its message that Impact is not a match for
Reason.
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